THE RED REPUBLICAN
No. 22—Vol. I]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1850
"We believe that the interpretation of the moral law and rule of progress cannot be confided to A caste or an
individual; but, only to the people, enlightened by national education, directed by those among them whom virtue and genius point out to them as their best.
"We believe in the sacredness of both individuality and society, which ought not to be effaced, not to combat, but to harmonize together for the amelioration of all by
THE whole question of politics is an educational question.
Government—if it has any meaning—is the organized power which
educates—rules—orders. We believe that this educational power cannot be entrusted to a caste, whether an aristocracy, a corporation, or a priesthood.
It matters not what numbers compose the caste,—whether few or many; it matters not whether there be careful patriarchal training, or the constitutional carelessness of those "governors" who are content with being a corrupt and inefficient
police.* Many or few, careful or careless, the difference is one only of degree.
If a caste rules, you can have but tyrants on one side, and slaves upon the other.
There can be no real education there, no certain progress: for there is not the people.
The instinct of the whole people is alone the conscience of Humanity; it alone can be trusted to interpret the law of progress.
Still less can the government be intrusted to an in individual.
He will teach, or order, in accordance with his own wish, at best his
conscientious thought; he cannot give expression to the universal conscience.
To confide the rule into the hands of one is to let the exception give law.
Though even the true prophet be king and ruler, you are not certain of the right
ordering,—for he sees the progress which is desirable, which, indeed, shall some day be, but not always that which is practicable immediately.
And when you have no prophet, but some imbecile slip of the past, whose eyes are in the back of his head, what law of progress can you have uttered by such!
Truly not even an attempt at utterance.
The people must decide upon its own life. The majority must command.
There and there alone dwells the true interpretation of God's law of
progress,—the decision of not merely that which is best to be done, but of that which may best be done at each succeeding moment.
Let it not be objected that the wisest are ever in the minority.
If wisdom cannot make itself manifest to the majority, whose is the fault?
Something is surely lacking in the wisdom. The wisest are those who can best regulate to-day's work, not forgetting the future.
And the conscience of a whole people is never at fault.
There have been panics, and madnesses of multitudes, popular crimes and errors; but never a whole people, even in the lowest state of a people, unitedly wrong upon any great matter.
Religious and other wars, massacres, and persecutions,—these are royal, aristocratic and sacerdotal work.
Villainies innumerable rest upon the castes who have misgoverned nations; but the peoples' hands are clean.
When kings and priests provoked and carried on that desolating war against the Hussites, the popular conscience upheld the right.
And in the wildest period of the French Revolution, the People's judgment was sound and just.
Never has it swerved unless seduced by priests or tyrants, and oft-times even then it has indignantly turned upon and rebuked its infamous leaders.
The history of the current popular struggle, from February, 1848, to the recent just denunciation of woman-flogging Haynau, by the sturdy right-feeling brewers of Bankside, is one continuous vindication and series of examples of the true conscience of the peoples.
The lowest masses are better than the privileged now; and how unspeakably better still will be the people, when, instead of being ill-taught, or left in ignorance by despicable or detested pretenders, they shall be educated by those whom they can revere and honestly and lovingly obey, "those whom genius and virtue have pointed out to them as their best."
When such a Government can be obtained,—that is to say, when the Government (I do not say merely a part of it) shall be chosen by the whole people, there need be not occasion to trammel its progress with the clogs which, men are obliged to hang at the heels (better sometimes if they were round the necks) of governors in what are pleasantly called constitutional states. There need be no jealousy of those who are chosen by an educated people.
It will not then be necessary that the general progress should be stayed for fear a too powerful government should encroach upon individual liberties.
It will then be seen that Society is as sacred as Individuality, needs as much protection; that it is not enough to make every man's house "his castle" (your private castles, do not keep out the burglar, or the unjust tax-collector, or the extortioner), but to make every man a true soldier, servant, and office-bearer in the nation, which will then need no private castles.
This mutual sacredness of the individual and society will then become possible: then, when the people are all free and equal, and when their own chosen governors marshal them on the way of
progress,—not by nice balancing of interests,—nor by dictation of the minutest matters of life, not by endeavouring to stereotype their subjects, to make them run in parallel groves of happiness or
duty,—but by obeying the dictates of the popular conscience and helping the national genius to unfold itself, careful not so much to dictate the work as to provide that the work be done by healthy, strong, and faithful men, conscious of their mission and anxious that it should be fulfilled.
The nation itself will decide upon the work to do; and be it peace or war, will know how to decide rightly.
This is the Association we want. Not a compulsory association
regulated by some few patriarchs,—not a mere community of beavers, content so long as every one can take what he deems his just share out of the common storehouse.
We need an association bound together by faith and identity of purpose, rather than by so weak a tie as that of "
interest,"—an association that shall be expansive, with power of growth, not
stationary,—an association in which the tyranny of a centre shall be impossible, in which the fullest growth and widest range of the individual shall be held compatible with the most devoted service of the
Republic,—yet an association kept together not only by the careful protection of individual rights, but rather by the harmonious rendering and ordering of social duties, every member of the State intent upon building up the glory and advancing the progress of the whole, even as he would build an altar to the Eternal, or advance his own progress toward the perfection of the most Perfect.
W. J. LINTON.
* How inefficient even as a mere police, weekly records of murder, robbery, and swindling may well inform us.
THE RED REPUBLICAN
No. 23—Vol. I]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1850
"We believe in the duty of the individual to make use of the, elements of material, intellectual, and moral work, with the utmost
concurrence of his faculties, for the common amelioration."
The ground upon which I have advocated the duties of a State toward its members, in supplying them with the means
of growth and work, has been that of the necessity of organization, in order to insure the more regular and rapid and certain progression of the whole of Humanity.
The duty of a State toward its members implies, of necessity, corresponding duties of the members toward the
State. If the State supplies means of work, secures property and growth, these so furnished and secured are bound to maintain the same advantages for others.
Parts of the body politic, accepting the advantage of belonging to it, their duty is manifestly to maintain its integrity.
Indeed their own position is untenable unless they do so. For the State only exists as a combination.
If all work for one, one owes a return to all. But again I say that it is not upon this mere footing of a bargain, which might imply choice, that we must place
the duty of the individual; but upon the moral basis of his position as a part of one comprehensive
whole,—a position which is not a matter of choice, but necessitated by the very fact of his birth, and from which he can never be released except by death.
It cannot be too often repeated that the Individual is a part of Humanity, an inseparable link of the one vast chain hanging from the throne of God.
Man has the choice of being his "brother's keeper," or not. He cannot dissolve the brotherhood.
He has not the option of bargaining so much duty for interest. He has by his very birth appropriated the interest, and he owes the duty of his life in repayment of that.
Unless he would be a thief.
The Past has lent to the Present; and the Future demands payment.
A feather out of a wing, a bone out of the body, a leaf out of a book,—is not more absurdly isolated than a human soul that would detach itself from the upward soaring of its race, a man denying his duty to the body politic, or a life which fancies that its thought or speech or action can be torn unnoticed and without detrimental consequence from the history of mankind.
We believe therefore that it is ever the duty of the individual to devote the utmost energies of his being to the service of his race: to the Beloved first (though whoever loves needs no such reminding); to the Children next; then to his immediate fellows in the workshop or farm, in the hamlet, municipality, or commune; then, the circles of duty widening ever
as—like a drop of rain thing, into still water—his active life impels the waves of circumstance around him, to the City or County, the Country, and the World.
For the business of man's life, is service to his kind. Service even now, when, wanting organization, each must mark out for himself the route upon which his unaided thought decides that he can best serve; service still, when Society, becoming organized, shall learn how to economise his powers, to prevent his efforts from being wasted, as so much of endeavour is united through want of direction now, from being left to fight and to labour alone, or with but the chance and random help of the casual passers by.
"We believe, to resume, in a social State having
GOD AND HIS LAW at the summit, the People, the universality of the citizens free and equal at its base, progress for rule, association as means, devotion for baptism, genius and virtue for lights upon the
GOD's LAW: it is not the doctrine of an individual
or a sect; it is not the dogma of a Church (even of the truest), nor the "act" of a Parliament (be it never so equally constituted).
Though doctrine, dogma, and act, may each be, less or more, an enunciation of God's law.
It is the revelation which enlightens the Prophets and Apostles of Humanity, the instinct which impels the universal conscience of mankind.
Wherever the revelation and the instinct, wherever genius and universality, wherever the
Voice of God and the Voice of the People are in unison,—there, be sure, is a law of God.
GOD'S LAW: God's holiest preachers and martyrs have proclaimed it, with their words
and with their lives; and the heart of Man in all climes and in all ages has recognized its
divinity—its truths. It is this:——
Love! Aspire! Progress!
GROW HEALTHILY!—It is the first necessity of being.
That was a true insight which shut out the blemished or the unclean from the service of the priesthood.
How shall any be God's priest in his impurity or weakness? Be pure for health's sake!
Be strong for the sake of growth! Grow healthfully,—which is naturally, vigorously, and
beautifully,—that so thy nature may be perfected, and thy life be a fit and acceptable worshipper in this temple of the Eternal, which men call
Earth,—worthily serving at the altar, whatever name may be inscribed thereon, whether Family, Country, or Man.
LOVE!—It is the stopping beyond the narrow prison-house, the chrysalis-tomb of Self.
Capacity for love constitutes the difference between, the gentle and the churl, the human and the brute.
The brute desires, seeks, and has possession, asserting the right of his limited nature, the right of health and growth: but he cannot soar out of the bestial Self.
He cannot love. Live not like brute beasts without understanding,
when God has breathed into your souls the angelic faculty of Love.—Love the
Mother, upon whose smooth rounded bosom you first dreamed of beauty and of heaven!
Love the Father who taught you to be strong and daring! Love Her who led you into the innermost sanctuary of
delight—whose maiden smile first whispered to your enraptured soul how chaste, and holy, and self sacrificing Love, may be!
Love her Children,—the Children of the Beautiful, whom also thou wilt teach how to love.
Love thy Country—the land of thy young days of home—the land whose speech is the music of the
Beloved—the land where rest the bones of Heroes, thy sires; love it with the active love of a patriot's even anxious service!
Love not only, persons, places, or things; but love the Beautiful, the Noble, the Enduring!
Love the memory of those Great Ones who have lived and suffered for thee!
For Love is gratitude—the full-handed gratitude that returns one benefit by benefitting a thousand.
Love and scorn not those new ideas which are continually dawning upon the world!
For Love is reverence. It was Love that worshipped at the Poor Man's feet, wiping them with her hair, and kissing them.
ASPIRE!—Indeed, Love is aspiration: the longing search after the Most Beautiful.
Ever as thou reachest the summit of a truth, look upward to the truth beyond!
Even on the ladder of improvement, which leans on the edge of heaven,—as thou gainest round after round, look, upward!
And when thou pilest another day of worth upon thy past life, rest not as one whose mission is accomplished;
but know and recollect that man's mission is to aspire!
PROGRESS;—Yes! believe that the healthily grown, the lover, the aspirer, must progress.
Up and down, the mountain-climber advances toward the top. Let him not in the mountain hollows, look back
complaining—"How much higher I was." He but descends to mount again.
It is no level path, nor smooth unvarying ascent, the way of progress.
But we believe in the possibility of a social state in which the ascent, though it may not be altogether evened, shall yet be smoothed of its worst roughnesses; when the whole race shall be fellow-workers, aiding each other in their advance.
We believe that it shall not always be left to individuals to toil painfully up the steep and narrow path, in sadly isolated endeavour to fulfil God's law; but that, when nations are free, their governments shall be able to provide the educational means through which mankind shall be aided in their combined endeavours to grow healthily, to, love, to aspire, and to progress: when progress shall be recognised as the normal condition of life, when organised association shall supply the requisite means, when individuals baptized in the faith of devotion to God and Humanity, shall know how best to avail themselves of those means, and when Genius and Virtue, borne upon the shoulders of the advancing crowd (as of old they chose their generals), shall light us upon our way.
When the whole earth shall be a holy altar, and human life as the flame of a sacrifice, continually ascending to the heaven of God.
W. J. LINTON.
THE RED REPUBLICAN
No. 24—Vol. I]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 1850
"And that which we believe to be true for a single people, we believe to be one for all. There is but one sun in heaven for the whole earth: there is but one law of truth and justice for all who people it.
"Inasmuch as we believe in Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Association for the individuals composing the State, we believe also in the Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Association of Nations.
"We believe that the map and organization of Europe are to be remade.
"We believe, in a word, in a general organisation having God and his law at the summit, Humanity, the universality of Nations free and equal at its bases, common progress for end, alliance for means, the example of them peoples who are most loving , and most devoted for encouragement on the
WE do net believe that men can righteously band together to commit wrong; nor that by any combination or assembling of numbers, they can escape, from the individual responsibility of their moral being.
We believe that Wrong is wrong, whether perpetrated by individuals or by nations: that Right does not alter its character, whether its pursuer be one or a multitude.
A Nation, is an assemblage and combination of individuals: each of whom is endowed with conscience, each of whom is bound by his very nature to combat evil, each of whom is impelled by the divine law of his being to seek good and to maintain the right.
Their very assembling and combination as a body is that they may more effectually combat evil, seek good, and maintain and perpetuate the right.
To grow healthily, to love, to aspire, and to progress,—this is as much the destiny of Nations as of the individuals of which Nations are composed.
If equal liberty is the right of each member of the
Nation in relation to his fellows not only in the Nation but throughout
the whole world,—so is it the right of the collective body—the Nation, in
relation to all other Nations. If one Nation may be shut out of the
pale of the national liberty, what becomes of the universal equality and
liberty of mankind?
If it is the duty of Man in his Nation to serve Humanity, it is equally the duty of the Nation, as an organisation of men, to serve humanity.
Else the individual serves not Humanity, but some national egotism.
"Peoples" are the individuals of Humanity. As men differ one from another in character, aptitude or calling, so also do peoples.
Their national organisation is the means, not only of perfecting that special character, but of applying the various aptitude and calling toward one great
object—the progress of the whole of life. England, if an organization of healthy,
high-thoughted men, would recognize itself as the world's servant; would toil for that, not for the wretched aggrandisement of England against the world, or with out care for the world.
England now stealing in every corner of the earth for the most wretched aggrandisement of Self, would then be no more hated or despised as a bullying ruffian or an unprincipled eyeless needle-selling pedlar, but loved and honoured as the brave champion of Freedom and able civilizer of the time.
But what would become then of the miserable doctrine of NON-INTERVENTION,—the refuge or pretence of Whig knaves, the shallow subterfuge of traders who care nothing if the whole world go to wreck so they may have a percentage on the breaking up.
The duty of a nation is the same as that of an
individual: to assert its own rights and to fulfil its duty toward others.
That duty consists in associating with others, for the maintenance of their rights, for the sake of mutual growth, for the realization of the brotherhood of Humanity.
"How very wicked'." says some atheistical peace-monger: "And you would actually have nations go to war in defence of other nations?"
Yes, certainly, if Right should demand it. For we believe in God, in his law of association and progress in the harmony of the universe: that is to say, we believe that, as an individual cannot detach himself from his kind without breaking the chain of human life, so a nation cannot as one man isolate itself from the world without causing a million-fold greater gap. I call the peace-monger atheistical, because his amiable egotism loses sight of this, forgets God and his scheme; because his theory ( I do not meddle with his undeniable 'good intentions,' which so "pleasantly" pave the hell path of the worst despotisms, but only with his theory) would make life anarchical.
Every man for himself and no God for us all.
For what is "human brotherhood?" Seeing one's brother quietly murdered unless the stone-deaf assassin will listen to our eloquence?
Standing out of the way to see our brother wronged? English law of all periods, and English sense of some, would call this being an accomplice in the wrong.
I see a wrong being committed, I have the power of preventing it, I do not prevent it.
Whatever sympathetic cant may froth my lips, my deed consents to the wrong, I am the accomplice.
The wrong doer's accomplice—is not he a wrong-doer also? If Richard Cobden had been brother to Cain, would he have stood by with folded hands, prating of
peace proprieties, while he saw the Righteous murdered? Or is only the murderer his "brother's keeper," and the accomplice no blood-relation?
When History gibbets Assassin Barrot for his ruffianly outrage upon Rome, she will hang beneath him his dastardly
accomplices—the "English" whigs and their "liberal " supporters.
Non-intervention between States is the same as Laisser-faire between individuals: the liberty of the
stronger—the right of ruffianism—ANARCHY.
Republicanism is opposed to anarchy. We would organise.
Let the nation, as the Individual, be the true servant, and soldier, (if need be) of God upon the
earth,—serving, or fighting, as the case may be for God's children, his brethren, under the sure leadership of
Justice—who does not fear lest "the heavens" should fall upon the
shop while she is out on duty. O, again for a real government of England, echoing the people's heart, to hurl its armed hand in the teeth of the beast Tyranny, and by at least one manful act for "God and
his Right," to redeem the national honour now, ever pawned by Tyranny's infamous subveners for any petty private object of their own.
"Promise-breaker,"—"traitor," —"coward!"—Why should a nation endure taunts which would rouse a slave?
Win we our Republican government, and our name may be redeemed: then only.
When a healthy nation shall take its place among the struggling peoples, as a brother among his equals, lovingly to aid them in their aspirations and in their progress; weighing peace (O, ever-desired peace) and war, not in the false scales of diplomatic intrigue or personal baseness, but in the eternal balance of Right and Wrong.
Loving peace, the Republic will not, like some shabby monarchy, flinch from war when it sees a brother-nation attacked in the first of all
rights—the right of an independent individuality. The escaping slave shall not be hunted back to slavery, nor even given up to the hunters, by the true
Republican. Jealously, as he would guard his own individuality—which even himself cannot alienate or make the slave
of—another, so will he defend the liberty of even the least of his brethren.
"Peoples are the individuals of Humanity. Nationality is the sign of their individuality and the guarantee of their liberty: it is sacred. Indicated at once by tradition, by language, by a determined aptitude, by a special mission to fulfil, it ought" to be held sacred, in order that it may be free "to harmonise itself with the whole, and to assume its proper functions for the amelioration of all, for the progress of
Apply these principles to the present partitioning of Europe and it will be clear, why the Republican believes in the necessity of remaking "the map and organization of Europe," to bring them into accordance with his faith.
Poland parted among thieves —Italy—Hungary—Germany—Greece— there is no need to enumerate.
Draw these upon the Republican map, and where will be the present landmarks?
Where the "existing" empires? The present arrangement of Europe (with the exception of
France—the non-partitioning of which the "Holy Alliance" is now regretting.
They shall some day regret for England too, for all she is now, under her
oligarchy, so pliant a tool for despotism.) The present arrangement of Europe has been made for the benefit of a few families, in violation of the most decisive marks of nationality, in order to facilitate the spoliation of the peoples.
All that arrangement of Vienna shall be torn to pieces by the Republican Nations and their natural boundaries, recognised at an European Congress, be thenceforth assured.
"We believe that a pact, a congress, of the representatives of all nationalities, constituted and recognised, having for mission to serry the holy alliance of Peoples and to formalize the common eight and duty, are at the end of all our
So shall the free Nations, standing each in its own perfect dignity, be as a band of brothers, sworn to serve God and to extirpate Tyranny from the world.
W. J. LINTON.
"To all those who think that every divorce, even! for a time, between thought and action, is fatal.
"To all those who feel stirring within their hearts a holy indignation against the display of brute force which is made in Europe, in the service of Tyranny and
So, as space and time might allow, I have gone through the chief articles of our republican faith. It remains for me to resume my arguments into one whole, and to inquire what conclusion may be practicable. For I have not written these letters as the amusement of some idle hours, either my own or my readers, but seriously and in good earnest, with a view to some result.
We believe in EQUALITY, LIBERTY, and
HUMANITY: in the equal ground of human right, upon which alone true freedom can be
based,—the freedom which is not the unlimited sway of the stronger, but the opportunity of healthy growth to the utmost of natural capability for the weakest as well as for the mightiest, in order that the fullest perfection of each may be obtained, toward a combination of strengths for the surer and greater progress of the whole world.
We believe in the PERFECTIBILITY OF THE HUMAN RACE: that, is to say in their power of continual improvement.
And we believe that this improvement may be systematized and insured, and immensely accelerated by men acting in concert, in
ASSOCIATION, —freely organising themselves under the government of the Wisest and Most Virtuous among them.
We believe that Government, however chosen or however worthy of rule, is not required by society to be the dictator over the lives of
individuals—as a central despotism would be—but to order the combined action of the whole nation, and to protect the rights of
all. We believe that the world-old circles of FAMILY,
CITY, and COUNTRY, are natural arrangements, and worth preserving.
That as the individual is complete in his own nature, so the family is also a perfect sphere, needing no ordering from authority, the city also sufficient to itself for all its own requirements, and
the country the same—a special workroom, built by God for a special purpose, whose walls shall not be thrown down.
We believe that the business of GOVERNMENT is to do that which neither the individual nor the city can efficiently do: to maintain throughout the nation the harmony of equal rights, which includes
provision that the best means of growth at the nation's command shall be furnished to all the individuals of the
nation. It is therefore the province of government to guard the LAND—which is common
property—from the encroachment of individuals,—to care that none hold it without paying a fair rent for it to the state, and that it shall never be so monopolised, at whatever rent, that any shall be debarred from it; to protect the
PRIVATE PROPERTY—the honest earnings and
acquirements—of individuals; to maintain the RIGHT TO LABOUR by lending the
CREDIT of the state to all who need it, so insuring to every one employment at a fair
remuneration; and to provide the highest possible EDUCATION for every one of the nation's children.
We believe that the only government which can safely be trusted with these powers is the elect of the nation, empowered by
THE MAJORITY to act for them. We believe that the right to rule resides only in a majority.
But we believe that there are limits to the power of even the government of a majority: the limits of
INDIVIDUAL RIGHT. The majority may not enslave the minority; either by disposing of their bodies or coercing their consciences, in violation of the original
equality of human brotherhood. Every attempt upon the rights of individuals, by the most overwhelming majority, is an attempt against the very bond of society, which exists in virtue of the mutual sacredness of it
and of each of its members. If the free growth of any is suppressed, there is a hindrance of the progress of the
whole,—the progress whose seed must ever be first planted in the hearts of the few.
Government is the enlightened conscience of to-day, organising and directing present means for to-day's work.
But "the few" of to-day may so manifest their growth and superiority, that tomorrow the "many"' shall be with them, and to-morrow's higher work need a new direction.
Nevertheless we believe in DUTY: that the individual
(saving his right of conscience) ought to enrol himself dutifully in the ranks of his
fellow—men, to act obediently within the appointed and ascending spheres of organization, to devote the utmost of his powers to the service of his family, his country, the world, and truth.
And we believe that, based upon a written constitution recognising these rights and duties, the nation may be so organised that the long sought problem of the
HARMONIZATION OF INDIVIDUAL WELFARE WITH NATIONAL PROGRESS may be speedily solved, and the present Anarchy give place to Order, under which we shall thenceforth be enabled to fulfill God's
law—the Destiny of Life: to grow healthily, to love, to aspire and to progress.
We believe, in a word, in the possibility of a social state,
based upon already ascertained rights and duties, in which might be forthwith commenced the realization of the "dream" of all prophetic
minds,—the beginning of the BETTER TIME, in which the wretchedness of extreme want might immediately cease, and strife and wrong gradually diminish, checked by the strong hand of enthroned justice, and fading from the ever-increasing light of
education and of hope.
Such is the aim of our exertions for our own Country.
And for the Nations we believe with a no less fervent hope: looking for the establishment of the universal
FEDERATION OF REPUBLICS, for the proclamation of God's Law as the religion and rule of the enfranchised and organised
World. May our own Nation be of the first to swear fealty to the common pact, among the worthiest of endeavourers to reach the
goal,—that goal which will be but the starting-place of the Genius of Humanity, toward the indefinite perfection of the future.
Is all this Utopian? Not so. We do not undermine the present nor fling away the Past.
We would build upon the Present, laying sure foundations. We ignore neither tradition nor history. We would preserve, with more than "conservative" zeal, all that has already been gained for Humanity.
We do not think of overthrowing all, and after a general scramble, expecting some fine day to begin the world anew.
Neither are we Utopians of the "finality" school. We are practical men, who would work with means lying around us, toward an end logically deduced from ascertained premises, clear to the universal conscience.
We take our stand upon the equal brotherhood of Freedom, that ground which Christian Europe from one end of it to the other has already recognized at least in words: and thereupon we would build our future. "
What sane man will contest our principles?" What slave, in his heart acknowledging their truth, will remain silent?
I at least—if none other will—must repeat in the ears of my countrymen the appeal of the Apostles of Democracy:—
"To all who share our faith:
"To all those who think that every divorce, even for a
time, between thought and action, is fatal:
"To all those who feel stirring within their hearts a holy indignation against the display of brute force which is made in Europe, in the service of Tyranny and Falsehood:" . . .
WORKING-MEN! I appeal to you. To you first, because among you, victimized but not yet vitiated by the selfishness of Trade, I have found that clearness and integrity of soul, the simplicity of the loving nature, which enables you almost intuitively to comprehend great principles, and courageously to devote your lives to their realization.
Which of you, who have read these Letters, will join me in an endeavour to spread their principles yet further, to commence the propagandism of faith, to throw wide the seed for our harvest?
I do not ask you to agree with every detail, with every bearing of the argument, nor, still less, that you should adopt my phraseology.
Look beyond word-faults and, it may be, cloudy reasonings, to the principles themselves; and say if you can subscribe to them.
Then join me to begin the foundation of our English Republic!———
The first step, here as elsewhere, even before
association, is to know whom we can have with us. Now many may there
be throughout this England, anxious as myself to set about this work!
But we know not of each other, cannot get at each other,—stand idle,
hopeless. The first step I propose then is to ascertain how many
will join, to do their much or little, for the advocacy of Republican
Principles. Not to weaken the Chartist movement. Not to take
one helper from that: for universal suffrage is the first step, of republican progress. But to form, if it be possible, with in the Chartist body a knot, however small, of
further-looking men, determined to teach themselves and others what use they should make of the Suffrage when obtained, and acknowledging the Republic as the end for which they require
it. If those of my readers whose hearts go with me will send me their names and addresses, it will be at least one point gained; and it will not, I trust, be long before I again appeal to
them—to begin our work.
W. J. LINTON.
Miteside, near Ravenglass,
Cumberland; Nov. 15.